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  Journey Into Mystery
Posted by: Jazado - 04-03-2021, 05:18 PM - Forum: Heavenly Kingdom of Jazado | Яъзаъдъо Тьиенгуоь - No Replies

Trials of Mon Chitin
         867 CE, the great waves of the Yukaghir straits crash upon the cliffs of Sinhala. A flock of gulls fly past, the winds carry up the smell of salt and fish from the sea. At the edge, looking forward, still and unmoving stands a boy. As the waves crash again and again, the winds begin to howl louder but the cliffs do not bend and neither does he. A great storm approaches from the east, he stares searching for the rising sun, but all the horizon is darkness. The boy hails from the Mon tribe of Huron and today is a day in his honour.
 
        A voice echoes through the air, breaking the silence with a sundering cry: “Tura!” his had been summoned, “come, the shamans await you.” Turning around he sees his younger brother and walks with him back to their village. Tin huts pieced together with wood and hide litter the hillside, smoke rises from their chimneys and a great bonfire could be seen in the centre of the village, as Tura and his brother walk closer, they can hear beating drums and the chanting of the Moncala, the shamans of each great tribe. Their painted faces and the smell of burning rams fill the air and the deafening cries of the Moncala drown out the drums, today is his rite of passage, today he proves himself a man.
 
         The shamans undress him and marks his body with runes, blessings, wards and all assortments of magical charms. Then from the centre of the bonfire an amulet is taken out, glowing red hot, it is fastened around Tura’s neck, despite burning his skin he stands firm and makes no sound. Three shamans then approach him, one wearing the skin of a wolf, another the skull of a ram and the last wearing gauntlets fashioned from the Mon Chitin [Pronounced Khi’tan]. All three present him with a spear and push him forward. Walking forward to the great stone of Shamlakatur he sticks his spear in the ground before standing back, then muttering a few whispers, his words are carried into the wind, soaring to the heavens. Krakooom! Lightning strikes the earth where his spear was stuck and its tip glows with divine providence, with holy words inscribed upon it, emanating from it, a blue aura and the faintest sound of a hum. The storm now overhead, pours a torrent of rain upon his bare body, his war paint is slowly washed off by the water, their colours blending into one another turning his skin into a vibrant colour. The village follows closely behind as he walks to the shore, standing before the sea Tura calms his heart.
 
        The deep blue of the ocean shore had turned to an obsidian black, the raindrops made ripples across the waves as they attempted to pull him into the sea. The village standing behinds him watches as the Shaman bearing the Mon Chitin gauntlets blows from a large shell, its sounds echoing through the air summoning a challenger to face Tura, calling upon nature to prove his manhood. Hearing the shell blare, Tura starts to wade into the water, the grip on his spear tightens as he gets deeper, now he can barely feel the rain, all there is, is the sea and it pulls him forward. Standing waist deep in the water he yells, then from the great depths emerges the Mon Chitin. Towering over him, the massive beast was easily twice his size, a dark grey shell and pincers more than capable of crushing his skull, it attacks. Every strike is dodged by Tura, every swing it makes fails to land and finally the boy strikes back, but each cut and thrust does nothing, his spear bounces off the shell of Mon Chitin. As he moves more and more the water holds him tighter, it pulls him further and swing after swing he is slowly buried by the waves until finally, he is fully submerged. Struggling for breath he gives way and lets the water rush into his mouth, now wholly taken by the realm of his enemy he finally lives.
 
        The tide had risen far above his head and now he stood staring into the face of Mon Chitin, clutching his spear ever harder Tura thrust into the right eye of the monster. In a flurry of panic the great beast blindly swung its claws out grasping at water, its legs violently scuttling as Tura uses all his strength to flip it over. The villagers watched in silence as their own was taken by the waves, but on the second before they lost all hope a man came from the blackened sea. He held on his back and used every inch of his strength to break from binds of the surf, as he made his way onto the beach the man threw down the crustacean, its legs were still moving as it struggled to flip itself over. Pulling his spear from the face of the crab, the he held it in both hands and thrust into the belly of the beast with all his might and then they both were motionless. The Mon Chitin had been slain and before him stood a man.

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Warning important
Posted by: Union of Akarea - 03-30-2021, 11:59 AM - Forum: Meta (out of character) - Replies (1)

something important has come to my attention

[Image: rudy%20is%20sus%20!.png]

thank you for your attention

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Legislation State Office of Historic Preservation: Executive Orders
Posted by: Luxlein - 03-26-2021, 02:36 AM - Forum: United Republics of Luxlein | Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein - Replies (1)

[Image: SQz66Wi.png?1]
United Republics of Luxlein
Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein

State Office of Historic Preservation
Oficina Estatal de Conservación Histórica



Executive Orders



The President of the United Republics of Luxlein manages the operations of the Executive branch of Government through Executive Orders. After the President signs an Executive Order, the Office of the President sends it to the State Office of Historic Preservation.

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  SOL: Alpenraum
Posted by: Alpenraum - 03-19-2021, 04:11 AM - Forum: Worldbuilding - Replies (1)

Part 1: Beginnings


The alarm woke Leon from a deep sleep.  He groaned.  It was 7 AM in the morning.  He began to get out of bed, his dreams slowly fading from memory.  He looked out of his window and at the water.  His town,  Emerald Isle, was located just off Küstenburg, the capital city of Alpenraum, where his school was located.  He, unlike most located on the Emerald Coast, was a person focused on their studies, which got him into one of the most dignified High schools in Alpenraum.  Most other kids on the Emerald Coast were too busy helping their family members fish, or do other things.  The Emerald Coast is famous for its seafood, henceforth why many kids skip out or drop out to help their family make money by fishing.  

Leon got in his school uniform, and quickly got breakfast.  After that, he brushed his teeth and went to get his wallet.  He checked to make sure his ID card for school was still in there.  Leonard Wallace, Grade 12, DOB 08/09/1999, STUDENT ID:200399888, BRC LEVEL 1(signified with one blue rose).  Looks about right, He said to himself.  He pocketed the wallet and his phone and walked to the Bus Stis garden last night in front of the memorial, which was a cultural thing to do every Tuesday for all members of Alpenraum.  He walked out of the garden and headed to the bus stop.

As he sat on the bus, he looked out towards Appe Bay.  The sun was just rising, so it showed on the bay.  The bay glowed a light green.  It’s where the Emerald Coast got its name.  There was no scientific explanation or at least none Leon had heard of, but every evening and morning the Emerald Coast would glow an Emerald color.  This attracted many tourists to see this phenomenon.  The more religious few would say it was a blessing from the Prophet of Beauty.  Leon wasn’t sure what to think of religion, but he wiped those thoughts away from his mind.  He had a test today in science, his worst class, which had an A instead of an A+.  The bus entered the tunnel, and he slowly drifted off.

“I SAID OK OK OK”.  The loudness of NK The Creator in his headphones jolted Leon awake.  The bus had just arrived at his stop.  Perfect timing.  He got up, and walked off the bus.  “My infatuation is relating to another form of what you call it.”.  Leon had never really considered having a girlfriend.  Never really crossed his mind, unlike NK and his lover in the song.  He found himself really liking his new album, Grassboy, despite not really enjoying rap beforehand.  He eventually reached the school, and stepped in.  The school was quite open and large, with a commons room, or the relaxation room as called by students, and a lunch room adjacent to each other.  The 2nd and 3rd floor were where most classrooms were located, although there were some on the 1st floor.  Above the lunch area, flags hung from the wall of the KU members, including Alpenraum’s.  Not only was his academy, Harrison Schlatzer Academy, or HSA as it was called, the best in Alpenraum, but it was also a top-tier school in Kaltachia, and many students from different nationalities came to study or visit there.  His thoughts were interrupted by an all too familiar voice “Yo, Leon!”  He heard as a boy with Red hair and Green eyes walked up to him.  Klaus, his one of few friends in school, was a shorter but stockier kid.  He could be annoying sometimes, but it was bearable for Leon.  “Bell’s about to ring in 3.. 2.. 1..”.  The bell didn’t ring.  Annoyed, he tried again. “3..2..1..”. The bell didn’t ring.  “Oh damn i-”.  The bell rang.  Defeat on his face, he left and walked up the stairs.  Leon eventually followed.  Eventually, he reached his classroom and sat down.  The class eventually filed in, but the teacher was nowhere to be seen.  The final bell rang.  His fellow classmates looked around, confused.  However, the teacher entered, and..   Leon looked.  A girl, with blonde hair and green eyes.  She stood in front of the class.  Leon looked around at the other classmates, who were giving her.. Disgusted looks?  Why? Leon thought to himself, looking at her.  The teacher walked up next to her and said.  “Hello everyone, this is..”.  He paused to remember her name, Leon presumed.  “Charlotte.”.  Something clicked in his mind.  The name itself brought some sort of feeling to him, but he wasn’t sure what it was.  He couldn’t pay attention to the rest of what she had to say.  Charlotte.. Charlotte.. .  His thoughts were interrupted by the speakers crackling to life.  Please advise. Classes are canceled for the day.  King Frederik has reportedly passed away.  I repeat. All classes are canceled for the day. 


His classmates were all sad, and happy at the same time.  It was funny.  Happy that there was no school, sad that a man who had been the figurehead of their country had just died.  It didn’t matter to Leon, he was just focused on that name.  He couldn’t get it out of his head, and he didn’t know why.  “Yo.”  Klaus got in his face.  “Earth to Leon.”.  “What?” Leon asked.  “Since classes are canceled, me and Mikal are going to McDulwages. Wanna come?”.  “Sure,” Leon said, and followed them, not knowing what would come about this new Charlotte girl.

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Story Excerpt from "Shocking Lessons of the Past"
Posted by: Luxlein - 03-15-2021, 09:35 PM - Forum: United Republics of Luxlein | Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein - No Replies

Excerpted from:
Shocking Lessons of the Past
The UAS Mafia and the Failure of Neoliberalism in Luxlein



There are few academic environments as heavily mythologized as the Autonomous University of Santangel’s Economics Department in the 1930s, a place that was not just a school but a School of Thought. It was not just training students; it was building and strengthening the brainchild of a few conservative academics whose ideas represent the Luxerian “anti-welfare state” thinking of modern times.

The Autonomous University of Santangel’s Economics Department was under the leadership of an ambitious man on a mission to revolutionize Luxlein’s economy. This man was José Andrés Piñera. Though he had many mentors and colleagues who believed just as fiercely as he did in neoclassical economic theory, it was Piñera’s energy that gave the school its revolutionary fervor. His mission rested on a dream of reaching back to a state of “natural” order when all was in balance before human interference created distorting patterns. He dreamed of returning Luxlein’s society to a state of pure capitalism, cleansed of all interruptions (government regulations, trade barriers, and entrenched interests).

What made this School of Thought horrifying was the premise that a truly free market is the perfect ecosystem to develop and maximize benefits for all. If something is wrong within a free-market economy, it has to be because the market is not truly free. It should be no surprise that the heads of some of Luxlein’s largest multinational corporations were very much interested in these ideas. The enormous benefit of having an increasing audience from corporate groups led to a flush of donations and spawned the network of Luxlein’s most controversial right-wing think tanks during the 20th century.

Piñera was later introduced to Juan Francisco Biescas, a corporate lawyer who previously worked at the legendary law firm Santisteban & Padrón, where he represented many of the companies that had the most to gain in Piñera’s theoretical economy. The two men met in Santangel, in 1941. They both came up with a plan that would eventually turn Santangel into a laboratory for cutting-edge free-market experiments, giving Piñera what he had longed for: a place to test his theories. The plan was simple: the multinational companies would set up dummy non-for-profits and offer large grants to low-income students all over Santangel, enough to cover tuition at the Autonomous University.

Officially launched in 1942, the project saw hundreds of low-income high school students pursue advanced degrees at the Autonomous University of Santangel between 1943 and 1956, their tuition and expenses paid for by the multinational companies. The students who went through the program became known throughout the region as the “UAS Mafia.” Luxlain’s youngest generation of students at the time became the mouthpiece of the private sector, calling for “neoliberalism” and attempting to expand their thoughts throughout the country by giving keynote speeches at secondary schools and attending non-for-profit fundraising events.

With the election of Joaquín Guillermo Lavín in 1948, his opponents began to approach the “UAS Mafia” to help in the creation of a “coup climate.” Many of the students at the Autonomous University joined the ultra-nationalist Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (Luxerian: Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario). Several members of the “UAS Mafia” met with top business leaders for an emergency meeting and declared that “Lavín’s government is not comparable with economic freedom in Luxlein and with the existence of private enterprise… the only way to avoid the end of private enterprise is to overthrow the government.” For a time, the coup planning proceeded in two distinct tracks: the military plotted the extermination of Lavín and his supporters, while the economics plotted the extermination of their ideas.

Although the overthrow of Lavín is described as a military coup, it is currently seen by many in academic circles as a partnership between the army and the economists. The shocks of the coup are considered as the attempt to prepare the country for two sets of shocks: the “economic” shock treatment; and the “social” shock treatment (in the form of torture techniques used to terrorize anyone thinking of standing in the way of the “economic” shock treatment). Out of this experiment, the first and only state to have emerged from the Santangel School of Thought came into being.

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Information Military Dictatorship of Luxlein (1951-1976)
Posted by: Luxlein - 03-01-2021, 11:43 PM - Forum: United Republics of Luxlein | Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein - No Replies

United Republics of Luxlein
Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein
1951-1976

[Image: WiBabJ8t.png]
Flag

[Image: SQz66Wi.png?1]
Coat of Arms

Motto: Service for the People

Capital: Santangel

Official Language: Luxerian

Ethnic Group: Luxerian

Religion: Irreligious

Demonym(s): Luxerian

Government:
Unitary authoritarian military dictatorship
-President: Daniel Ligüerre Videla
-President of the Junta: Cristián Larroulet Nunes

Legislature: Government Junta

Area:
-Total: 780 km² (300 sq mi)
-Water (%):

Population:
-1973 Estimate: 848,762

GDP (PPP) :
-Total: LXA ₴
-Per Capita: LXA ₴

GDP (nominal) :
-Total: LXA ₴
-Per Capita: LXA ₴

Currency: Luxerian amero (₴) (LXA)

Succeeded by: Luxerian transition to democracy

Military Dictatorship of Luxlein (1951-1976)

The Luxerian military dictatorship, officially known as the United Republics of Luxlein, and simply known as Luxlein, was the period of time in Luxerian history where the Luxerian Armed Forces governed the country as a right-wing authoritarian military dictatorship for almost 25 years, from 14 April 1951 until 27 September 1976. The authoritarian military dictatorship limited political rights throughout the country and maintained its governance through rigged and fixed elections.

The dictatorship came to power and was established after the democratically-elected government of Joaquín Guillermo Lavín was overthrown in a coup d'état on April 14, 1951. During this time, the country was ruled by the Government Junta, headed by General Daniel Ligüerre Videla. The military utilized the economic crisis that took place during Lavín's presidency to justify its seizure of power. The dictatorship presented its mission as a “National Reorganization Process'' (Luxerian: Proceso de Reorganización Nacional).

The military government was the source of many human rights violations that were committed across the country during its rule. The regime was characterized by the systematic suppression of political parties and the persecution of dissidents to an extent unprecedented in the history of Luxlein. Overall, the regime caused over 250,000 dead or missing and tortured tens of thousands of prisoners. The dictatorship's effects on Luxerian political and economic life continue to be felt up to this day. Neoliberal economic reforms were implemented, in sharp contrast to Lavín's leftist policies, advised by a team of free-market economists educated by José Andrés Piñera at the Autonomous University of Santangel (Luxerian: Universidad Autónoma de Santangel) known as the “UAS Mafia.”

These neoliberal economic reforms eventually led up to the Fiscal Crisis of 1976 (Luxerian: Crisis Fiscal de 1976), causing widespread unemployment. Protest movements started to form in Luxlein, notably made up of unemployed workers. They blockaded major roads and highways, demanding government subsidies and other welfare measures. The crisis reached a breaking point on September 5, 1976, as major investors began to withdraw their deposits from the banks, summarily causing the collapse of the Luxerian banking system due to capital flight. A wave of demonstrations and civil unrest erupted, eventually leading up to the Revolution of Dignity (Luxerian: Revolución de Dignidad) on September 27, 1976. It culminated in the ousting of Daniel Ligüerre Videla and the overthrow of the Military Junta.

Members of the military government were arrested and put on trial in a civilian court. Commonly known as “the Trial of the Junta” (Luxerian: El Juicio de la Junta), each member of the Junta was charged with having committed deliberate bombing, torture, and mutilation of civilians, killing unarmed civilians, imprisonment without food in small cells, throwing prisoners out of helicopters to their death or into the sea with concrete on their feet, and burying people alive.

Following the Revolution, a transitional government was established. Upon assuming control, the Coalition Provisional Authority (Luxerian: Autoridad Provisional de la Coalición) initiated a large-scale purge of civil servants who were associated with the overthrown regime. Following the country’s original clause establishing that the Constitution could be re-written completely if this was deemed necessary, several referendums were held from 1976 to 1980, leading to the final restoration of democracy. The military relinquished political control to civilian rule and the democratic elections of November 1980 put an end to the transitional period.

The Coup

[Image: K4fGBlyt.png]
Daniel Ligüerre Videla
President Joaquín Guillermo Lavín, the Prime Minister, and their cabinet were meeting at the Presidential Palace and remained within the building for most of the day, planning on presenting to the National Congress legislation to assist those affected by the economic turmoil. On April 14, shortly before 05:30 AM, armed soldiers came to the Presidential Palace. When they asked everyone to accompany them, the cabinet, fearing for their lives, refused, and locked themselves in. Inside the Palace, they made several phone calls to their friends, asking for help. Although they received reassurances they would arrive, none did. Eventually, the armed soldiers broke down the front door. The prisoners were told to wait in the cellar room while the truck that would transport them was being brought to the Palace. A few minutes later, an execution squad of the military police was brought in, without any warning, fired upon them. Their bodies were later taken to the courtyard and burned.

At 06:10 AM, all television and radio stations were interrupted. Regular transmissions were cut and replaced by a military march, after which the first communiqué was broadcast:

People are advised that as of today, the country is under the operational control of the Joint Chiefs General of the Armed Forces. We recommend to all inhabitants strict compliance with the provisions and directives emanating from the military, security, or police authorities, and to be extremely careful to avoid individual or group actions and attitudes that may require drastic intervention from the operating personnel. Signed: General Daniel Ligüerre Videla.

A state of emergency and martial law were implemented, as military patrolling spread to every major city. The morning was seemingly uneventful, but as the day progressed, the detentions multiplied. Hundreds of workers, unionists, students, and political activists were abducted from their homes, their workplaces, or in the streets.

Politics and Power within the Dictatorship

On April 15, the Government Junta dissolved the National Congress, outlawed political parties, and all political activity was declared “in recess.” The military government took control of all media. The dictatorship's silencing extended past the media and into “every discourse that expressed any resistance to the regime.”

Initially, there were three leaders of the Government Junta. In addition to General Videla, from the Army, there was General Miguel Angel Torrente, of the Air Force; and Admiral Jose Manuel Camarero, of the Navy. It was the executive and legislative branch of government until its overthrow.

Human Rights Violations

[Image: P1yYMYs.jpg?3]
An exhumed mass grave
in the Toledano Valley
From the moment Videla assumed power, he wanted to instill a sense of fear in the population. These fears manifested with his authorization of the National Directorate of Intelligence and Prevention Services (Luxerian: Dirección Nacional de los Servicios de Inteligencia y Prevención). The National Directorate was mandated to organize and carry out strong repression of political dissidents (or perceived as such) through the government's military and security forces. It was also given the command of the national and provincial police and correctional facilities and its mission was to “annihilate [...] subversive elements throughout the country.” Between 1951 and 1976, thousands of people disappeared, kidnapped clandestinely by the National Directorate. Many were killed in death flights, a practice initiated by General Miguel Angel Torrente, usually after detention and torture. They were drugged into a stupor, loaded into aircraft, stripped, and dropped into the Morata sea.

On April 14, 1963, thousands of Luxerians marked the 12th Anniversary of the Coup by marching peacefully for democracy. The military junta decided to impose a new National Security Law in response to the pro-democracy marches. The law denied people fair trials, provided sweeping new powers to the National Directorate, and weakened judicial oversight. The National Directorate used the National Security Law to arrest anyone who was associated with the pro-democracy movement. During a protest, it was reported that police forced journalists to kneel and pepper-sprayed them. They also continued to crack down on the community of human rights defenders and increasingly targeted family members of activists.

Economy and Free Market Reforms

After the military took over the government in 1951, a period of dramatic economic changes began. The Luxerian economy was still faltering in the months following the coup. As the military junta itself was not particularly skilled in remedying the persistent economic difficulties, it appointed a group of Luxerian economists who had been educated by José Andrés Piñera at the Autonomous University of Santangel. The “UAS Mafia” advocated laissez-faire, free-market, neoliberal, and fiscally conservative policies, in stark contrast to the extensive nationalization and centrally-planned economic programs supported by Lavín.

The economic reforms implemented by Piñera and the UAS Mafia had three main objectives: economic liberalization, privatization of state-owned companies, and stabilization of inflation. Price controls were abolished, imports liberalized, the financial market and capital flows were deregulated. Labor unions were suppressed. Direct taxes and progressive taxes were reduced or abolished while indirect taxes were raised. Among other reforms, they made the central bank independent, cut tariffs, and privatized the state-controlled pension system, state industries, and banks. Piñera’s stated aim was to “make Luxlein a nation of entrepreneurs.” He was later appointed as the Secretary of the Department of Economics and Finance.

Fiscal Crisis of 1976

Bank deregulation at the time encouraged unconventional business practices and several laws were changed or enforcement weakened in parts of the financial system. Between June and July 1976, a friend of Piñera, Juan Francisco Biescas, led a group of investors in taking over insurance giant Arión International Group; financial giants Banco Popular and Banco Toledano; and mortgage giants CaixaBank and Mutua Campinas - together accounting for 28.5% of Luxlein’s banking sector. He was later arrested for misappropriation of funds in connection with the takeover due to liquidity problems of the four institutions acquired.

Because the institutions were not notified beforehand of the liquidity problems, they continued to multiply in size while the concentration of bank assets increased. However, some of these banks were in financial trouble after engaging in questionable business practices. Some were seriously undercapitalized, others were lending top executives large sums of money, and at least one financier couldn’t prove where he got the money to buy the bank in the first place. This led to investors perceiving Luxerian banks to be increasingly risky. Trust in the banks gradually faded and efforts to restore faith in the banking system failed.

On August 14, 1976, the government technically assumed control of the 4 financial giants because many believed their failure would endanger the financial integrity of other major firms that were its trading partners. Luxlein’s Central Reserve Bank ended up forcing the financial giants to divest and merge, leading to the creation of the Moncloa-Aravaca & Company two days later, on August 16, 1976. Throughout August 1976, the Central Reserve Bank provided billions of ameros in bailouts and stimulus to Moncloa-Aravaca to avoid a collapse. They also ended up creating a company (what would become Raul Márquez Holdings LLC) to extend LXA ₴ 441 billion ameros as a loan to the limited liability company. Raul Márquez Holdings used the money to buy much of Moncloa-Aravaca’s distressed and toxic assets. The plan entailed reducing potential losses and for the Government Junta to resell them later on at a profit.

On September 3, 1976, the Board of Governors of the Central Reserve Bank, alongside Secretary Piñera, called a meeting with several other large banks to negotiate the reorganization of Moncloa-Aravaca & Company, which included the possibility of an emergency liquidation of its assets. These discussions failed. On September 4, 1976, shortly before 1:00 AM Friday, Moncloa-Aravaca announced it would file for bankruptcy protection (citing bank debt of LXA ₴ 56 billion ameros, LXA ₴ 14 billion ameros in bond debt, and assets worth LXA ₴ 59 billion ameros). The bankruptcy triggered a general financial panic known as Black Friday. It was later found out that, before the bankruptcy filing, Moncloa-Aravaca paid its executives over LXA ₴ 165 million ameros in executive bonuses.

The Revolution of Dignity

[Image: fqCyY5Im.jpg?1]
Soldiers opening fire on protesters
The protests and rioting began on the morning of September 10. The protests and rioting quickly spread to the capital and other towns across the country. A lack of timely intervention by authorities –some police were under orders not to take action– led to the National Directorate being quickly overwhelmed. Despite initial debate within the government over how to manage the situation, a heavy-handed approach was implemented as a state of emergency and martial law was imposed. By the time authorities encountered the scenes of rioting, citizens began firing weapons at officers, with the ensuing firefights resulting in many bystanders being killed by “bullets from army troops and sniping protesters.”

There were protests and clashes with police throughout Luxlein, especially in the abandoned building that once housed the National Congress in Santangel, which was occupied and barricaded by protesters, along with some administrative buildings, including the Santangel Administration Offices. Police and activists fired ammunition at multiple locations in Santangel. As a result of these events, the Government Junta met on September 20 with the leaders and head organizers of the protests, which collectively identified themselves as the National League for Democracy. The National League included Uxue Abarquero and Laura Valenzuela. The children of former President Joaquín Guillermo Lavín, Ariadna and Liam, were also part of the League and were present during the initial round of talks.

After several meetings, the National League for Democracy spoke on September 26 with the protesters and told them that the talks had not been successful. They stated that General Videla reportedly threatened them with criminal prosecution. Both Ariadna and Liam Lavín called for the “people's revolution” to continue until power had been completely removed from the governing authorities. Uxue Abarquero warned from the entrance of the National Congress complex that if the Government Junta did not resign by 12:00 PM the next day, an armed coup would be staged.

On September 27, shortly before 9:00 PM, units of the police tasked with defending the Government Junta met and decided to abandon their posts and to call for the resignation. It is believed that one of the main reasons the police turned away from the regime was largely due to the resentments they had over the preferential treatment the Government Junta gave to the military. At a police station near the presidential palace, officers climbed onto the roofs and chanted “The Police with the People.” Reports stated that police nationwide began to retreat from protesters, returning to their stations at around 2:00 AM the next day. At around 3:00 AM, as protesters and police started marching towards the Presidential Palace to occupy it, they found it to be empty. The National League for Democracy established it as its headquarters and called for a nationwide manhunt for the members of the Government Junta.

It was later revealed that the members of the Government Junta evacuated the Presidential Palace in anticipation that the protestors would take it by force. Realizing that their rule over the country was over, the Government Junta disbanded and each of them declared “to each their own.” At 8:20 AM, General Videla boarded a jet at Toledano with 40 of his supporters and immediate family members in an attempt to reach Sanhueza and declare a “Government In-Exile.” Videla took with him more than LXA ₴ 300 million ameros in gold from the Central Reserve Bank’s vaults and artwork stolen from the Institute of Culture’s storage units. Around 38 minutes after takeoff, when the flight was over the Morata sea and left Arriaga airspace, a surface-to-air missile struck one of the wings of the plane, then a second missile hit its tail. The plane erupted into flames in mid-air shortly before crashing into an abandoned hangar near the runway, exploding on impact. Everyone on board was killed.

The Trial of the Junta

Body Text

Emergency Governmental Authorities

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Seal of the Coalition Provisional Authority
The Coalition Provisional Authority intended to act as a caretaker administration in Luxlein until the creation of a democratically elected civilian government. Upon the dissolution of the National League for Democracy, Uxue Abarquero and Laura Valenzuela became the first Co-Administrators of the Coalition Provisional Authority. Ariadna and Liam Lavín (both experts of constitutional law) helped draft the Law of Administration for the State During the Transitional Period (Luxerian: Ley de Administración del Estado Durante el Período Transitorio), which functioned as the country’s provisional constitution following the Revolution.

The Transitional Administrative Law also established the steps to be taken with the transfer of sovereignty from the Coalition to the Interim Government. This process eventually helped in the writing and enactment of several referendums during the transition period, leading to a more progressive constitution. The Coalition vested itself with executive, legislative, and judicial authority over the remnants of the Luxerian government from the period of its inception on October 3, 1976, until December 10, 1978. On December 10, 1978, the Coalition ceased to exist and all governmental authority was transferred to a fully sovereign Interim Government. The Transitional Administrative Law continued to be in effect following the official transfer of power from the Coalition Provisional Authority to a sovereign government.

Official Return to Democracy

The Interim Government was led by Laura Valenzuela as President,  Ariadna and Liam Lavín as Vice Presidents, and Vicente Martin Del Fusté as Prime Minister. The Interim Government was formed through a process of wide-ranging consultation with civilians, including political leaders and civic associations. Its primary responsibility was to administer the country’s affairs, in particular with providing for the welfare and security of the people, promoting economic development, and preparing Luxlein for the national elections that were to be held on November 5, 1980. The Transitional Administrative Law remained in effect until the formation of the government, when it was superseded by the constitution with the amendments that had been approved by referendum, establishing a federal dominant-party semi-presidential constitutional republic.

When the new permanent Government was elected on November 5, 1980, negotiations only started in earnest once the results of the election were certified on November 19, 1980. At one point, leaders of the largest political groupings called for a government of national unity, although this proposal was later abandoned. After some disputes over the election results were resolved, the members of the National Congress were sworn in on January 20, 1981. Vicente Martin Del Fusté of the Democratic Party was elected as the country’s president.

Economic Reconstruction

One of the first issues that Vicente Martin Del Fusté faced as the country’s president was when some staffers that previously worked in the Advisory and Monitoring Review Board, an entity of the Coalition Provisional Authority that ceased to exist when the transitional government was dissolved, brought to his attention that the military dictatorship held debt of LXA ₴ 86 billion ameros. In response to this, he proposed strategies for reducing the burden of the country’s debt and indicated that his top priority would be spending on social programs rather than servicing the country’s debt. He criticized the neoloberal policies of the military dictatorship. During his tenure as President he took some radical alternative steps to change the course of the country’s image.

He established a committee to investigate any alleged crimes within the banking sector that took place between 1951 and 1976 and which led to the country's banking crisis. His rhetoric and policies alarmed the country’s wealthier classes. He eventually reached a deal with creditors and declared the debt illegitimate.

Controversies

It was widely believed that Uxue Abarquero would help in the establishment of the Interim Government and eventually form part of it. While he did help in cementing the structure of the Interim Government, he was replaced abruptly less than a day later, on December 11, 1978. Abarquero’s swift dismissal came as a surprise to many within the Interim Government. Allegedly, there was intense pressure from within the Coalition Provisional Authority to begin the removal from public office of civil servants who served under the military dictatorship. The initiative was apparently supposed to have begun in 1976 after the Junta was deposed in the Revolution of Dignity. However, Uxue’s refusal to implement this policy infuriated several high-ranking authorities of the Coalition Provisional Authority and led directly to his dismissal. The policy was eventually put into practice in January 1979.

While he did not work directly with the Interim Government, his former colleagues who did work at the Interim Government attempted to convince Laura Valenzuela in recognizing his contributions in fomenting the transitional era by giving him a position “outside of, yet within the reach of the Interim Government.” Valenzuela, facing pressure, gave in and appointed him as Special Envoy of the President to the Independent Election Commission, which would oversee the orderly national election of a new permanent Government on November 5, 1980.

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  Edofasian War Ballads WIP
Posted by: Edofasia - 02-24-2021, 02:44 AM - Forum: Confederacy of Edofasia | Cónaidhm na Éidobhasia - No Replies

Out from many a mud walled cabin eyes were watching through the night
Many a manly heart was beating for the blessed morning's light
Murmurs ran along the valley to the banshee's lonely croon
And a thousand pikes were flashing by the rising of the moon

By the rising of the moon, by the rising of the moon
And a thousand pikes were flashing by the rising of the moon
All along that singing river, that black mass of men was seen
High above their shining weapons flew their own beloved green

Death to every foe and traitor, whistle out the marching tune
And hoorah me boys for freedom 'tis the rising of the moon
'Tis the rising of the moon, 'tis the rising of the moon
And hoorah me boys for freedom 'tis the rising of the moon



Written sometime between 1785 and 1830 Rising of The Moon was written as a firsthand account of one of the many uprisings against Candanadian rule. It is disputed which particular battle the song describes but the song rose to popularity during the War of Unification when it was song by E.N.A forces organizing the assualt on Thüle (whether or not the song Men of Thüle was written to directly counter this song is also debated)
 
Armoured cars and tanks and guns
Came to take away our sons
But every man will stand behind
The Men Behind the Wire


Through the little streets of Tara
In the dark of early morn
Kaltach soldiers came marauding
Wrecking little homes with scorn.


Heedless of the crying children
Dragging fathers from their beds
Beating sons while helpless mothers
Watched the blood flow from their heads


Armoured cars and tanks and guns
Came to take away our sons
But every man will stand behind
The Men Behind the Wire


Not for them a judge or jury
Or indeed a crime at all
Being Terran means they're guilty
So we're guilty one and all


Round the world the truth will echo
Der Konigs men are here again
Kaltachia's name again is sullied
In the eyes of honest men


Armoured cars and tanks and guns
Came to take away our sons
But every man will stand behind
The Men Behind the Wire


Proudly march behind our banners
Firmly stand behind our men
We will have them free to help us
Build a Nation once again


On the people stand together
Proudly firmly on your way
Never fear, and never falter
Till the boys are home to stay

Armoured cars and tanks and guns
Came to take away our sons
But every man will stand behind
The Men Behind the Wire


The Men Behind the Wire was written during the height of Candanadian Occupation of Edofasia. Shortly before the formation of the Edofasian Free State (West Edofasia) in 1916. At this time the Candanadians were feeling apprehensive as it seemed Edofasian rebellions were becoming more amd more frequent and organized. Leading to them cracking down on any expected insurgents 

Another head hangs lowly

Child is slowly taken

And the violence caused such silence

Who are we mistaken



But you see it's not me

It's not my family

In your head, in your head

They are fighting

With their tanks and their bombs

And their bombs and their guns

In your head, in your head

They are cryin'



Whats in your head? In your head?

Zombie, zombie, zombie, hey, hey

What's in your head, in your head

Zombie, zombie, zombie, hey, hey, hey, oh





Another mother's breakin'

Heart is taking over

When the violence causes silence

We must be mistaken



It's the same old theme

Since nineteen-sixteen

In your head, in your head

They're still fightin'

With their tanks and their bombs

And their bombs and their guns

In your head, in your head

They are dyin'



In your head, in your head

Zombie, zombie, zombie, hey, hey

What's in your head, in your head

Zombie, zombie, zombie, hey, hey, hey

Oh, oh, oh, oh, oh, oh, oh
Hey, oh, ya, ya-a

Zombie is a modern anti war song written after the annexation of Lakedan. Many feared the KU would respond militarily and start another war 

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Democracy setrftyghkjl
Posted by: Union of Akarea - 02-23-2021, 11:53 AM - Forum: Meta (out of character) - Replies (1)

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  Meeting with Chancellor Pieter von Juppertal
Posted by: Luxlein - 02-21-2021, 11:56 PM - Forum: Politics - No Replies

(Collab between Luxlein and Candanadium)


Ambassador Luis Miguel Sanhueza checked his watch. Neither he, nor any of the President’s top advisors, had gotten much sleep in the past 24 hours, nor were they likely to anytime soon, and tensions were running high. He called the President, huddled with his National Security Council in the Executive Office, via a secure connection. It was the third emergency meeting in the last twelve hours, and National Security Advisor Gael Castrillón made a short briefing to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Sergio Valdés and President Ferrant.

“Mr. President, Mr. Secretary, based on what we know, the Chancellor’s reason for setting up this meeting is largely due to the arrests of the Conservative Party’s Senior Leadership a few weeks ago. I just completed a conference call with law enforcement officials to brief them on how to continue carrying out the responsibilities since the arrests. Everything is up to you now, Sanhueza. We are counting on you.”

The call ended, and he was escorted to the Chancellery.



The Embassy of the United Republics of Luxlein to the Court of Wilhelmus the Conqueror was not at all far from Deepwood Hall, the seat of the Chancellor of Candanadium. It was located on Prince Henry Avenue, sandwiched between the Hykkogwa and Mortasian embassies. The most prominent buildings were the Akarean and Trefjalli embassies, which stood tall at the intersection of Prince Henry and New Konigstadt’s famous Bayview Avenue, proudly flying the blue eagle of the Kaltach Union alongside their national flags. Kaltach nations, of course, held precedence in Candanadian foreign policy, and the placement of embassies along Prince Henry Avenue was a testament to that. The only exception was the Edofasian embassy, which stuck out like a sore thumb between the Jokullheime and Welkan embassies, having originally served as Edofasia House, or the liaison office of the Dominion of Edofasia in New Konigstadt. Of course, at the end of the Second Crisis, it became the property of the Confederacy, and since then, it had been renovated and excavated and torn up in every manner to rid the building of its colonial iconography but also to remove any potential listening devices. The location, however, remained the same.

The Luxerian embassy was at the far end of the avenue, which ended in a cul-de-sac, reserved for nations that Candanadium had little in terms of actual diplomatic ties with. It seemed, however, that Luxlein was desperately trying to break free of that descriptor, at least judging by the attention it stirred up in Candanadium as of late.

The Ambassador’s route took him down Prince Henry Avenue, onto Bayview and through the entertainment district into the government district, the borough of Deepwood-Magnarplatz. Deepwood Hall was, as ever, shrouded by its ancient grove of pines and oaks and guarded by policemen in bulletproof jackets, toting rifles and holding their Kanadiaans shepherds on a short leash. The Ambassador’s car, with the blue diplomatic plate and the Luxerian flag on the hood, was waved through summarily, and within fifteen minutes of leaving the Embassy, he had arrived. 

The Chancellor had informed the Ambassador to meet him in his office, located on the top floor of Deepwood Hall. An attendant led him there, through maze-like corridors and up a grand staircase, then a smaller staircase, until he arrived at a pair of dark oaken doors. The attendant knocked three times, and the door was opened on the inside.

“The Ambassador of the United Republics of-” The attendant began.

“Yes, yes. Thank you.” The Chancellor shooed the man away dismissively.

“Sir.” The attendant bowed slightly and spun on his heels. 

“Come in.” The Chancellor opened the door wide, revealing a spacious office under a stained-glass dome that spilled various shades of colour onto a ring of couches surrounding a mahogany coffee table before an ornately carved desk. The Ambassador took a seat gingerly, and the Chancellor did the same, directly opposite him.

Ambassador Sanhueza, still nervous, made sure to stay strong. “Mr. Chancellor, what a pleasure it is to meet you. I hope I was not too late for our appointment. I was told that the Kingdom shares some concerns over the recent developments in Luxlein, particularly the arrests and imprisonment of the Conservative Party’s Senior Leadership.”

“‘Concerns’ is putting it mildly. Ambassador, I’m sure that you’re aware of the composition of my government coalition and of the parliamentary opposition.” The Chancellor’s tone wasn’t impatient, but it was brusque and matter-of-fact.

“Of course, Chancellor. The United Republics is very understanding. However, the President himself has told me that he hopes this does not affect our current relations and potential organization of the Santangel Summit.” 

“My party isn’t exactly what you would call left-of-centre, and our Conservative Party is the second largest party in Parliament after my own. While it’s true that I have forged a coalition with the Democratic Party, this can possibly end my government. There is no way that we can participate in any Luxerian organization, not when conservatives are being rounded up and jailed. Parliament will not permit it, and I will not permit it. I’m sure His Majesty shares this opinion. My question to you is: what the hell is going on?”

“Chancellor, the situation in regards to recent events is currently under the investigation by our Justice Department. The acting Secretary of Justice is hoping to conduct an investigation soon into the possible actions that transpired the day we arrested the Senior Leadership of the Conservative Party. I do not know why the investigation is being opened, since we have not yet nominated a new Secretary of Justice, and the previous Secretary has not been seen since.”

“What happened to the Secretary of Justice?”

“Well, the Federal Security Service arrested Brais de Herrera and his partner, Aida Siurana. She was the CEO of Góngora Mosenka. They were detained in an undisclosed location. The Prime Minister sent out an urgent message after the news came out. It said that we should not be alarmed, and that he was involved in the Luxlein Papers leak. No one has seen him since.”

“You mean to tell me that not only have you arrested the political opposition, you’ve also cleaned house? And this was all sanctioned by the President?”

“The acting Secretary of Justice has told us that there is sufficient evidence to prove without a doubt that they are guilty. However, a trial date has not been set up, and no testimony, witnesses, or evidence has been provided to the courts.”

“This is absurd. Luxlein claims to champion international peace and development, yet this is how the Luxerian government conducts itself? Tell President Ferrant that Candanadium will take no part in either of his projects until he reverses these totalitarian actions and submits himself to investigation by an impartial authority. He can expect a statement in Parliament soon.”

“Of course, I will relay that message to him immediately.” He stares blankly, shocked by the response. “Is there anything else that I should tell the President?”

“Tell him to turn on RBS if he wants to hear more from me. Get out.”

“Very well. Have a great day.” Remaining polite, the Ambassador nods, and leaves.



“Mister Speaker, last year this Chancellor-” The Leader of the Opposition stuck his pointer finger and pointed it at the Chancellor, who sat, sulking, across the dispatch box from him. “This Chancellor announced to the House that he had agreed to attend a proposed summit with the President of Luxlein to foster, and I quote, ‘international peace and development’ through a ‘World Congress’. Now, Mr. Speaker, we know that this summit was called off due to the Luxlein Papers and uncovered the government’s inaction in regards to the activities of the King Emeritus. But even now, as conservatives and other supporters of democracy are being rounded up and imprisoned without trial or sentence, the Chancellor has still refused to renounce his ties to the corrupt megalomaniac known as the President of Luxlein. So, Mr. Speaker, why is the Chancellor silent? Does he no longer support the liberal democratic order forged by our fathers who resisted tyranny and brought an end to one-party rule in our own nation?” As soon as the Leader of the Opposition resumed his seat, the Speaker rose to his feet, and seemingly on cue, the House erupted in cries of “hear, hear”, boos, jeers, and other expressions of support or disgust.

“ORDER! Right honourable and honourable members on both sides of the House must compose themselves! Order! Sei Ordentlich! Order in the chamber! The right honourable Chancellor has the floor!” The speaker’s voice boomed and echoed throughout the chamber, and the collective roar off the opposition faded to a din of murmurs and grumbles.

“Mister Speaker, I-” The Chancellor was cut off by shouts and jeers from the opposite side of the House as soon as he opened his mouth to speak. He resumed his seat once more. 

“The honourable member for Tiroletal-South must come to order! The right honourable Chancellor has a right to be heard in the House. Mr. Chancellor!” The Speaker intervened once more.

“Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the honourable leader of the opposition for his question, and I wish that he would take comfort knowing that he has my support and agreement, at least in this matter. The recent events in Luxlein have, indeed, shocked us all, and I cannot, in good conscience, continue associating with the President of Luxlein nor his regime. One-party rule and dictatorship is something we have renounced since the end of the Second Crisis, and the new developments in Luxlein show that Luxlein has every intention of renouncing multi-party democracy in favour of a left-wing dictatorship. This is unacceptable, and, frankly, saddening, to see a nation that was poised to become a champion for human rights and cooperation worldwide betray those very principles by denying their own citizens of basic political and human rights. Indeed, just earlier today, I met with the Luxerian Ambassador and it has been made abundantly clear to me that these actions were sanctioned by the Luxerian presidency and government. The only appropriate course for us to take would be to renounce any intention of joining the World Congress and the so-called International Chancery of Justice while Luxlein attacks its own congress and judicial branch.”

“We, as a government, stand in solidarity with those in Luxlein who have been persecuted due to their political beliefs and strongly condemn the Luxerian government’s blatant attempts to stamp out domestic opposition. I hope this satisfies the concerns raised by members opposite, and I would like to thank the honourable leader of the opposition again for raising this question with me.” The Chancellor resumed his seat as cries of “hear, hear” replaced the jeering and boos that had been levied at him just moments prior.



A political firestorm was building in Santangel.

The Justice Department’s acting Secretary was on the verge of appointing a special prosecutor to investigate the President’s alleged involvement in the arrest of the Conservative Senior Leadership. Former Secretary of Justice Brais de Herrera and Aida Siurana were nowhere to be found. Moderates were distancing themselves from the Administration, and even a number of the progressive members of the National Congress had voiced concerns on the news shows about the situation.

The cover of the latest Luxlein Insight asked, “The Ferrant We Knew: Gone?”

A new Luxleinfluent News poll found that 46% of Luxerians would disapprove of the President's conduct if the allegations that the arrests were politically-motivated were true, while 53% believed that he was “mishandling” the fallout in particular.

And no one wanted to upset the President at the campaign fundraising event he was attending. The Coalition for Progress PAC organized a brunch reception at the St. Milenia Resort. As the President excused himself from the event, he was escorted to a part of the resort that was still under construction. One of the bodyguards gave him the message from the Embassy in Candanadium. He was furious. He started punching one of the marble columns until his knuckles started to bleed.

“Give me the phone.” He said to one of his bodyguards. As he dialed the numbers, he started to calm down. The phone was ringing, and after the third ring, she picked up.

“What’s your call?” Neus Olloqui, his Chief of Staff, asked.

“This is getting out of hand. We need to sweep this under the rug. Candanadium is not going to work with us on the projects for the International Chancellery of Justice and the World Congress. We should never have arrested them in the first place.”

“It was a mistake, yes,” Neus said. “Do you want me to make the call to the Federal Security Service to release them?”

“Not yet. Let them rot in a cell for a few more days.” Ferrant smirked, thinking about how terrified they must be. “Contact Sergio Valdés. Tell him to recall the Ambassador and terminate his mission as soon as the Secretary meets with him. Organize another press conference. I decided on who to appoint as Secretary of Justice.”

“Ok, I will do that, but who is the nominee?”

“Neera Oronoz.” Ferrant knew he made the best choice. The woman had decades of experience in the Constitutional Court and as a State Attorney.

“Got it. I’ll contact the Secretary and the news agencies now.”



The Ambassador has not left his office since sending the message to Santangel. He was terrified. Idiot. Idiot. Idiot. He knew he committed a mistake.

His phone rang, and it scared the daylights out of him. He recognized the number; it was his boss.

He picked it up. “Mr. Secretary?”

“Luis, you need to be on the next plane to Santangel.” The cheerfulness commonly heard in his voice was gone.

“Wait what? What happened?” He was astonished. I knew the President would be upset, but not like this.

“This is about your security. You need to come home immediately. You need to come home on the next plane.”

The line went dead.

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  The Radish | Das Radieschen
Posted by: Kingdom of Candanadium - 02-18-2021, 01:55 PM - Forum: Kingdom of Candanadium | Königreich Kandanadium - No Replies

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